Adam Smith/’s Politics: An Essay in Historiographic Revision

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Historical themes, events and key individuals from Akhenaten to Xenophon. This episode is related to Classical liberalism. This episode is related to Books about capitalism.

Every episode of In Our Time is available to download. Download the best of Radio 3's Free Thinking programme. Melvyn Bragg and guests discuss the history of ideas. In Our Time. Main content. Listen now. Show more. Show less. Available now 43 minutes. Last on. Thu 19 Feb There is now abundant evidence of how its account of the nineteenth-century Whig tradition of historical writing has left its mark on scholarship across a wide range of topics, some far removed from the confines of the history of historiography.

In the early s, Collini, Winch, and Burrow collaborated in writing That Noble Science of Politics: A Study in Nineteenth-Century Intellectual History, whose publication in marked, both practically and symbolically, the high point of their collaborative endeavour. Perhaps the least awkward way to provide some characterisation of the book here is to quote from the preface which was specially written in for the Japanese translation:.

In the nature of things, a book that sets out to challenge or repudiate accepted disciplinary boundaries is likely to run the risk of baffling some of its readers. Librarians will wonder how to classify it. Specialists in politics and economics will be embarrassed at its demonstration of how what they thought sewn up can be unstitched. Tutors will wonder what passages their pupils can be trusted not to misunderstand. And, more obviously, we took our distance from those kinds of approaches which are united in little else than in assuming that intellectual activity is best understood as a reflection or by-product of some allegedly more fundamental social or economic process … Without wishing to set up a new meta-discipline or to propose a panacea for wider cultural ailments, we continue to regard intellectual history of the kind exhibited in this book as a flexible and responsible approach to the intellectual life of the past.

Although there has been no further attempt at direct collaboration, it is clear from the prefaces and acknowledgements in their subsequent works to cite only evidence that is in the public domain that the ties of friendship and intellectual exchange between the three authors remain close. However, the partly parallel and partly divergent trajectories followed by Winch and Burrow since that period must also be noted here.

It set some of the familiar ideas of nineteenth-century liberalism in a new perspective by tracing continuities and discontinuities with that broadly Whig tradition of political thinking whose richness and longevity have only become fully apparent with the scholarship of the last generation, and the book gracefully sketched some of the ways in which conceptions of variety or diversity were seen as essential to social and individual energy and vitality. We may derive from them both confidence and complacency, nourishment of identity and the bigotry of exclusiveness.

The former issued in a stream of essays in the s and early s - essays often couched in revisionist terms in an attempt to counter the later appropriation of some eighteenth- or nineteenth-century figure. The invitation to deliver the Carlyle Lectures at Oxford for provided the opportunity to present the outlines of the synthesis of many years of work in these related areas, the full version of which was to be published in as Riches and Poverty: An Intellectual History of Political Economy in Britain, Even in what has thus far been an exceptionally productive writing life, Riches and Poverty stands out as a remarkable achievement.

The book provides a learned thickly textured account of the ways in which arguments over economic matters in the broadest sense of the term in this crucial period were bound up with and expressive of wider political and social identities. As their new essays in these two volumes suggest, the stream of outstanding publications by these two authors shows no signs of drying up: at the time of writing, John Burrow is just on the point of completing a large study of European intellectual history between and , while Donald Winch is organizing a major British Academy project on the peculiarities of British economic experience since the Industrial Revolution.

In , John Burrow became the first holder of the newly established Chair of European Thought at Oxford, resuming an engagement with nineteenth-century European thinkers and writers that had been largely in the background of his intellectual activities since the late s, though it had never been wholly absent. The personnel of the group at Sussex changed in other ways, too. Structural reorganization within the university led in to proposals for the establishment of the Centre for Literary and Intellectual History, an arrangement which would give institutional expression to the close collaborative links already existing with colleagues such as Norman Vance in English, and Donald Winch formally moved into this Centre in In institutional terms, there have, therefore, been both dispersals and continuities, and at this point it is proper to leave others to take up the story, or stories, in other ways in the future.

These in no sense constituted a coordinated programme, but they perhaps evinced certain common qualities of approach and manner, and they all focused on a series of interconnecting themes and figures in British intellectual history from roughly the mid-eighteenth to the mid-twentieth centuries. The principal titles, in chronological order, were probably the following:. It was no doubt characteristic that these three books should have dealt with figures normally seen as the intellectual property of three very different modern disciplines - respectively, History, Economics, and English.

Over these two decades, these books were, of course, accompanied by numerous articles, essays, and reviews, some of which occasionally took a more polemical or critical stance towards works by other scholars in the field. The work of the scholars who have been regarded as the heart of this group has thus taken the form of substantive books and essays rather than programmatic manifestos, and its characteristics can therefore not easily be encapsulated in a few sentences. But it would be reasonable to say that the informing spirit of much of this work has been the attempt to recover past ideas and re-situate them in their intellectual contexts in ways which resist the anachronistic or otherwise tendentious and selective pressures exerted by contemporary academic and political polemic.

Work in this vein has also attempted to be alert to questions of style and register, to the nuances of individual voice as well as the animating presence of intellectual traditions, and to recognize the different levels of abstraction and practical engagement involves in work in different genres. The aim has been to offer a more thickly textured sense of the interplay between, say, literary, historiographical, and economic ideas in the cultural life of Britain since the Enlightenment, as well as much subtler characterizations of the relations between such ideas an the broader social an political developments of this period.

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This, incidentally, is one reason why the historian who is seeking understanding rather than simply collecting information need never be afraid of the glib charge of antiquarianism; the past can have no capacity to surprise us if we merely visit it to provide material for our debates and preoccupations. Ultimately, the most appropriate as well as most effective way to indicate some of the distinctive characteristics of the work of Winch and Burrow would be through an extended analysis of their practice, and this, of its nature, cannot be undertaken in the brief compass available here.

Instead, a couple of more or less arbitrarily chosen passages from their work must do duty for a fuller critical account. Because America was supposedly free from social inequality, Americans could conquer political freedom, avoid terror and write a constitution that remains stable to the present day: thus, once again, this view sees America as an exception. Scholars who have examined the influences and analogies between events on both shores of the ocean have focused largely on the political, by analyzing the translation of the American States' constitutions into French and the transmission of political ideas from England to America, and from America to France.

These studies have produced a rich vein of critical controversy over the diverging or converging political histories of these nation-states, but the social and cultural dimensions of the Atlantic have been not been much considered. In the s and s, the rising paradigm of the new social history moved scholars' attention toward the experiences of groups such as the working class, indigenous peoples and slaves, forging the background for our contemporary Black and Red Atlantic.

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However, these studies, rather than complementing existing political history, have instead tended to eclipse the political aspects of the Atlantic world. The case is the same for recent economic histories and histories of material culture, which have moved attention toward the consumer-commercial revolution that rose out of inter-imperial economic and cultural relations Through Paine, we can argue instead that Atlantic history cannot be forced to conform strictly to either side of the political-social opposition.

Rather, the political and the societal are both conceptual camera lenses through which we can capture the Atlantic world The multi-faceted political and social, national and universal dimensions of Paine's political thought point to an innovative vision of the Atlantic world. This world was not reducible to separate, distinct, hermetically-sealed national and imperial entities, nor to the inter-imperial rise of commercial society.

The Atlantic was not a self-contained world where the supposed natural law of demand and supply and the civilization of commerce triumphed, or where the material cultures of sailors, slaves and rebels were undermined by the nineteenth-century formation of nation-states and nationalisms. Instead, Paine's Atlantic is a Euro-American world in transition along lines that were simultaneously political and social.

Between the end of eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century, crucial changes had begun to undermine the previous Atlantic world and to create a new one. The American Revolution began the historical course that resulted in the Caribbean and South American independence movements As a consequence, the European invention of America as a vacant world available for imperial conquests ceased to be viable.

The nation-state became the common political form on both shores of the ocean. Moreover, since the political language of equal rights, representative government and democracy circulated across the ocean, the conceptual architecture for thinking about and legitimating the modern nation-state had the same revolutionary origin both in America and Europe.

The national and international expansion of commerce was strictly linked to the escalating demands that the eighteenth-century European wars made on civil administration and public finances, the sinews of the modern state. The Atlantic world was therefore one in which separate fiscal and military entities competed for the domination of the American colonies and the international market. However, the democratic revolutions changed these structures, and the political thinking behind them, in the Atlantic The American Revolution legitimated not only the foundation of the free states where Europeans had begun the colonies, but also the making of free trade-based national markets that competed with European mercantilism and challenged British political and economic supremacy.

This explained why the early American State needed to fund public debt, institute a national bank and formalize the Congressional power of taxation. This early statehood turned the free states of America into a commercial nation-state which could then compete politically and commercially with other European commercial nation-states in the Atlantic world: America joined Europe However, what essentially characterized the Atlantic world was the ambiguous interrelation between commercial society and representative democracy.

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On the one hand, commercial society and civilization claimed democratic revolutions while, on the other, social antipathies and convulsions determined tensions and frictions between commercial expansion and democratization: Europe joined America. Commercial expansion and democratization would constitute the most powerful agents in the building of the nineteenth-century nation-state that took place on both shores of the ocean. The early nineteenth-century English and American working classes' movements would show, as this reading of Paine has done, that the nation-states could renew their political legitimation only by answering to the popular demands of liberty, equality and prosperity that would rise from their societies.

In other words, the national and international policies of the nineteenth century would rest upon the interrelation between commercial expansion and democratization in the Euro-American world of political competition and economic rivalry Hodgson, , p. Foner ed. John Keane, Tom Paine. A Political Life , 1 st ed. Peter J. Marshall, The Making and Unmaking of Empires. Britain, India, and America, c. But recent British and American historiographies, finally, have demonstrated that both Britain and the US were successful in state-building. John Brewer, op.

Constitution and the Making of the American State , 1 st ed. Civilization defined the historical process that moved human beings from their natural state or barbarity toward the refinement of arts and manners through commerce.

What’s the problem, Mr. Smith? Shedding more light (than Heat) on Adam Smith’s view of man *

For the Scottish Enlightenment, see Alexander Broadie ed. John G. Pocock and Terence Ball eds. The first and second parts of Rights of Man contain contradictory ideologies. Part one served as an apology for the marquis de Lafayette and ignored the burgeoning democratic movement in Paris.

Europe and America in the Age of Democratic Revolutions , 1 st ed. For the rise of society as the center of the political agency, see Sheldon S. Wolin, Politics and Vision. Continuity and Innovation in Western Political Thought , 1 st ed. Wood eds. See Simon P. Palmer, The Age of Democratic Revolution , op.

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A Comparison of the Writings of Judith N. Modernity and Double Consciousness , 1 st ed. For a critical view on postcolonial studies, see Sandro Mezzadra, La condizione postcoloniale: storia e politica del presente globale , 1 st ed. Gould and Peter S.

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