Fanon and the Crisis of European Man: An Essay on Philosophy and the Human Sciences

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His self-sufficiency is hence only apparent.

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The slave, by contrast, becomes aware of himself as an independent self-consciousness by means of the transformative, fear-propelled labouring of the natural and material world. Central to this approach is an analogy between the Hegelian slave and the worker under capitalism.

Beyond Hegel, however, this approach requires that the proletariat act upon this realization , enforcing, through class struggle, the recognition of his independent being by the ruling class — hence leading to a classless, emancipated society. In line with this remark, his reading of the Master-Slave dialectic brings new elements to the foreground. The conflictual and intersubjective model of human subjectivity-formation developed in the Phenomenology of Spirit is recast by Fanon in Black Skin, White Masks , but the Hegelian Master-Slave dialectic works in his book as a contrasting foil rather than as a model for the relation between the settler and the colonized, the white master and the black slave.

And this is for at least two reasons. Fanon thereby gives an emancipatory twist to social struggle: for Hegel, the struggle is what posits the asymmetrical relation between the self-consciousnesses in the first place; for Fanon, on the contrary, the power asymmetry is prior to the struggle that can lead to real reciprocal recognition.

If the only way to liberation is struggle, the second sense in which Fanon departs from Hegel can help in explaining what prevents such struggle from taking place. The colonized black subject is socialized in a world where the white man is the identification model of everything that is good, pure, and active, and thus shares the collective unconsciousness of the European. In this sense, Fanon is urging colonized peoples to turn their backs on their masters and to engage in an experiment of creative protagonism and radical imagination.

It is crucial to note, however, that Fanon does not argue for the abandonment, from a particularistic perspective, of the Marxist account of dialectics and class struggle. Quite the contrary: he insists that Marxist intellectuals and activists live up to their universalistic claims, expanding their scope beyond the particular experience of the European, white working class.

For this reason, Fanon cannot be considered an advocate of identity politics in any narrow sense, but rather a proponent of a strong humanist universalism, which inscribes him within the broad Left-Hegelian dialectical tradition. It means rather to be able to see that colour has played, from the outset, a key role in the very composition of that framework.

She received her Ph. Mariana has published on critical theory, Marxism, post-colonialism, and feminism, and is a member of the editorial board of the academic journals Ideias and Dissonancia: Critical Theory Journal. Biographies Marx from the Margins pdf.

Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies. Master-Slave Dialectics in the Colonies. Municipalism : From the Commune to the Municipalist Movements. Zapatistas : Between Us and Them. Issue 2, Marx from the Margins. I did a complete diagnosis of my sickness. I wanted to be typically black — that was out of the question.

I wanted to be white — that was a joke. References Arthur, Chris. Bernasconi, Robert. New York: Routledge. Bird-Pollan, Stefan. Hegel, Freud and Fanon. The Dialectic of Emancipation. London: Rowman and Littlefield. Brennan, Timothy. Borrowed Light: Vico, Hegel, and the Colonies. Buchwalter, Andrew. Dudley, Albany: SUNY. Ciccariello-Maher, George. Decolonizing Dialectics. Durham and London: Duke University Press. Du Bois, W. The Souls of Black Folk. New York: Penguin. Fanon, Frantz. Black Skin, White Masks.

Translated by Richard Philcox. New York: Grove Press. The Wretched of the Earth. Gibson, Nigel. Gilroy, Paul. London: Verso. Istanbul: Philosophy Documentation Center. Harris, Henry, S. Walker, Dordrecht: Kluwer. Hegel, G. Phenomenology of Spirit. Translated by A. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Lectures on the Philosophy of History. Translated by J. London: George Bell and Sons. Honneth, Axel. Translated by Joel Anderson. Hudis, Peter. Hyppolite, Jean. Translated by Samuel Cherniak and John Heckman. Evanston: Northwestern University Press.

Studies on Marx and Hegel. James, C. Notes on Dialectics: Hegel, Marx, Lenin. Westport, CT: Lawrence Hill.

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Kleinberg, Ethan, Stovall and G. Lanham: Lexington Books. Translated by James H. Whether Schelling or Kierkegaard intend to refer to the maternal yearning for birthing, or in fact have in mind the pregnant bosom of the Father and his fruitful masculinity, it is anyway the case that the birthing metaphor is only able to unfold its significant ontological and ethical potential in the agony of the patriarchal symbolic. Kierkegaard, Eve and Metaphors of Birth is, in this sense, a book that itself marks a rupture with the orthodoxy of existing Kierkegaard studies, drawing out its resonances for contemporary feminisms and new materialisms, and giving birth to the possibility of a new Kierkegaard, born from a contemporary yearning.

Interpretations of Machiavelli reflect the interests of commentators as much as they recapture a set of authentic historical doctrines. Althusser and Gramsci imagine Machiavelli as prefiguring their own dialectical forms of Marxism. How are such contrary views to be reconciled or even assessed? Is Machiavelli a figure upon whom subsequent views are simply retrojected? Is he to be taken as a serious political theorist, who has something to say to us about the nature of reality and ongoing political radicalism?

Or is he to be seen as putting together miscellaneous thoughts on history and political power in the interests of prevailing political interests and opportunities? It does at least three things. It introduces Machiavelli by providing a clear thematic account of his doctrines, and a close analysis of his major political works, notably of the Discourses and of The Prince , and it reviews major ways in which his thought has been interpreted.

Frantz Fanon

Its most compelling feature is that it takes Machiavelli to be a serious and systematic political philosopher, with a clear sense of how time and virtue are to be understood, which in turn reflects metaphysical ideas on the nature of reality that can be traced back to Ancient authors. A favoured reading of Machiavelli, put forward by Cambridge School historians like Skinner and Pocock, takes him to be a Renaissance humanist and classical republican. Allied to the metaphysical reading of Machiavelli is a political perspective that takes him to have a clear ideological political agenda, so that the Discourses and The Prince are not seen to be discrete and circumstantial texts lacking ideological bite.

Machiavelli is a republican but not a mild and accommodating one; rather, he is a radical whose sympathy lies clearly with the people. When judgements have to be made on what counts in political terms and how time is to be negotiated, Machiavelli is understood to side squarely with the people. For Del Lucchese, Machiavelli is, then, a philosopher because he operates with philosophical concepts, such as matter and form, with which Aristotle is associated.

Yet, there is a difference. The matter of things matters because they are liable to corruption and not infinitely pliable, even if they can be acted upon by formative activity. Nature and agency, humanity and natural things are interrelated. Human action is enacted in a naturalistic setting and politics is about acting in the context of what is given.

Politics deals with the material world and in turn frames the world for further political activity. The character of politics is here analogous to that of medicine, in that the medical arts offer knowledge and practical skills to enable the body to flourish, while political arts can tend to the body politic. Nature is constituted and reconstituted through history, and so Machiavelli turns to history to investigate the character of the state and politics. He detects regularity within the processes of historical change.

In turning to history to disclose the nature of political bodies, Machiavelli draws upon the Greek historian Polybius. However, Machiavelli rejects the biological determinism of Polybius and introduces chance and contingency to the historical process. Machiavelli draws on Lucretius, Del Lucchese claims, to assume a metaphysics that combines determinism with the aleatory randomness of events. In embracing contingency, Machiavelli is seen to combine chance and necessity.

In this way Machiavelli incorporates human freedom and the possibilities of radical political action into an overall understanding of reality. For Del Lucchese, then, Machiavelli reworks traditional political concepts against tradition itself. Fortune and necessity are not presumed to be dichotomous. Whoever can grasp the opportunity can operate virtuously. Machiavelli, on this reading, offers a dialectical philosophy that is at odds with what has gone before, though it draws upon philosophical tradition.

It is against elitist Platonic politics, Aristotelian teleology, the providentialism of Polybius and a restricted classical republicanism that excludes the people. Machiavelli embraces instead a conflictual structure of reality that allows for populism in drawing upon the Epicurean vision of Lucretius rather than Aristotelianism and classical republicanism. Reading Machiavelli as a dialectical theorist allows for an appreciation of his realist and transformative political philosophy.

Politics can be read dialectically in the past and in the present because supposed universal moral truths do not stand aside from the changing shapes of political realities. Del Lucchese weaves several interpretations of Machiavelli around the story that he tells. Of course influence is an elusive, tricky concept with which to deal, and what we are offered here does not render the concept any less elusive than usual.

We are not presented with evidence of an exceptional and emphatic engagement with Lucretius on the part of Machiavelli. Rather, Machiavelli is held to have read Lucretius early in his life, and key passages in his texts are held to reflect or mirror Lucretius. Machiavelli, however, does draw upon Renaissance republicanism and he offers sharp and provocative commentary on how a politician can break with moral sentiments. Machiavelli is prepared to play a very tough political game in which the innocent might be killed.

Interpretations of classic political theorists are inevitably partial. Texts are shaped by the ways in which they are interpreted. Texts and contexts are neither self-producing nor reducible to the inspiration of a classic author or the force of a set of circumstances. What we can ask of an interpretation is that it offers a stimulating and plausible reading of past texts so that we appreciate how the conceptual world of a past thinker relates to the world with which it is aligned.

We also want to get to grips with what a past thinker has to say that is of ongoing significance for political reality and philosophical speculation. It is a highly readable and engaging account of Machiavelli that is both scholarly and plausible. Importantly, it shows how Machiavelli has much to say about the practice of politics and the nature of historical developments in the early modern, and indeed the late modern, world.

This is more than enough to be going on with. More amour propre Peter Sloterdijk, Stress and Freedom , trans. The book, which is based on a speech Sloterdijk gave at the Berlin Speeches on Freedom in , is a short meditation on the interconnectedness of freedom and stress. It is the relation between these two concepts which allows Sloterdijk to argue for an account of freedom as the freedom to flee from the social sphere of human existence. Society for Sloterdijk is a stress-generating machine. His attempt, while certainly theoretically interesting, results in a hideous reactionary politics.

They disregard society, but encourage its continuation in existing forms, in the forms which in turn block both the cognition of truth and its realization. For Sloterdijk, rather than seeking to collectively change the material conditions of society, his proposed solution is to construct a concept of freedom that privileges the individual, rather than the collective. Freedom, for Sloterdijk, is the freedom to retreat from the social. Societies are only able to exist in so far as they maintain a certain level of unease among their inhabitants. Our obsession with creating a more sustainable way of life is not incidental, Sloterdijk claims; it is rather a reaction to, and a symptom of, the inherent restlessness of our modern world.

This is the focus of the second section of the book. There, Rousseau gives his contemplative account of experiencing a state of solitude so refined that all earthly and social pressures dissolve and momentarily wither away. They leave both things behind: the world of collective themes of concern and themselves as part of it. Hence an individual becomes free through the conquest of carefreeness. This carefree subject, according to Sloterdijk, is one without any objective purpose, creative endeavour or political opinion.

It is a subject with nothing to say or do. Sloterdijk acknowledges that there are two general types of unfreedom: i political oppression; and ii repression by a reality that is external to the subject. Unsurprisingly, Sloterdijk spends little time contemplating the first form of unfreedom and mostly focuses on the second. Where the individual experience of withdrawnness is concerned, Sloterdijk demonstrates a characteristically reactionary attitude towards collective forms of political action.

He goes on to assert that this only proves that even distinguished thinkers do not always gain their most far-reaching insights in the right order. His failure to do so was disastrous for the modern world, in which nothing is as irresistible as a wrong idea in the heads that seem only to have been waiting for it. What follows this attack on the general will is a haphazard and hasty link between the Reign of Terror and the Chinese and Russian revolutions. As soon as it discovers its freedom, it simultaneously discovers a virtually boundless accessibility within itself to calls from the real.

Because of its availability, which reaches a maximum by disengaging inwards, it independently finds its way back into the objective — provided it is not kept within a false I-construct by neurosis, as was the case with Rousseau. Sloterdijk concludes the book with an appeal to the noble disposition of the free subject.

Society is not only stressful, but it will continue to create and disseminate stressors. The only solace from social stress is a form of individual freedom that borders on the ascetic and the aristocratic. Gone are any attempts at restructuring or refashioning the economic order and our social institutions, gone is the demand for universal emancipation by way of altering our material conditions, and, perhaps most dangerously of all, gone is the idea of freedom as self-determination, the very germ of radical emancipation itself.

In my experience having taught the text for a number of years , part of the problem is recognizing the kind of argument that Rousseau mounts, or even recognizing that there is an argument at all, rather than a general polemic against the ills of civilization. A frequent and wholly understandable complaint from students is that Rousseau appears to assert different and even contradictory claims at different points in the text.

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What exactly is Rousseau saying about inequality? Is the focus of the text inequality or is this only a landmark en route to a more fundamental problem: the possibility of autonomy or authenticity in the modern world? To compound matters, there is the purported influence of the work on figures like Kant, Hegel, Marx, Nietzsche, and Adorno and Horkheimer. If the Second Discourse is an important source for works like The Phenomenology of Spirit , The Manuscripts, The Genealogy of Morals and The Dialectic of Enlightenment , then it should be possible not just to trace this influence but to develop an authentically Rousseauian standpoint to compare and contrast with these seminal statements on modernity.

Frantz Fanon (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)

If any text in the canon deserves painstaking reconstruction, then it is surely this one. The book is divided into five lengthy chapters. For Neuhouser, there are two senses of this. The second sense famously set Rousseau at odds with the psychological egoism of Hobbes and the tradition departing from him. For Rousseau, there is no intrinsic pride or vanity to human nature that would explain competition and strife.

These non-natural passions are, instead, social in origin. However, for Neuhouser, rather than settling matters this serves to open up a deeper line of inquiry, which forms the second chapter: if nature is not the source of inequality, what is? Put differently, if the source of inequality is social and lies in us, what motivates us to create it? For Neuhouser, amour propre is a fundamental human drive, psychological in origin, which accounts for the general human desire to be recognized as superior in the eyes of others.

Human beings create inequalities and consolidate these in institutional forms simply for the sake of having their superior standing recognized. For Rousseau, legal and political institutions like private property and the state are simply objectified forms of social recognition. Two questions immediately arise here and form the basis of the rest of the book.

Having rejected any naturalistic basis for social inequality, Rousseau now appears to be asserting, through the concept of amour propre , a natural psychological basis for it — albeit in an expanded, socially mediated sense.

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What hangs on attributing inequality to this socially mediated nature, rather than to the narrower concept of nature? Second, given this distinction between these two senses of nature, can we distinguish a pejorative and non-pejorative sense of amour propre? The subsequent chapters that deal with these questions are the most innovative and fascinating parts of the book. These include freedom from domination and basic well-being — absence of pain, frustrated desire and unmet needs.

The state of nature provides the blueprint for the freedom and well-being that could be ours in a differently ordered society. Freedom and well-being in the state of nature and the well-founded republic are, however, fundamentally different — as the distinction in The Social Contract between natural liberty and the moral liberty makes clear. The concept of the state of nature prepares the ground by unsettling our basic assumptions about what is fixed in social existence.

For Rousseau, history and the factors that bring about social change are altogether more contingent than this. The latest book from radical journalist Chris Hedges demonstrates the passionate, angry writing which won him the Pulitzer Prize, and marked his fifteen years as foreign correspondent at the New York Times. There are vivid anticipations of the coming ecological catastrophe, and outrage at the self-serving practices of a powerful elite.

Who are the rebels? Some see his resulting style as moralizing, overblown and self-indulgent. Sympathetic readers will protest, too, that Hedges does, in fact, provide accounts of the social contexts in which his subjects became rebels. However, in presenting his rebels as lone heroes, Hedges flattens out the significant differences between the systems they fought. This involves emphasizing the current trends of militarization and increasing surveillance of citizens in Europe and North America.

Such trends of course require critique and radical response. But these tasks are not served by exaggeration and caricature, which can perversely credit the currently powerful with more control than they actually have, and which tend to deny the considerable opportunities there are to criticize and organize against oppressive and undemocratic practices.

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Sometimes Hedges qualifies such exaggerations, accepting that the trends which alarm him have not yet quite reached the point of quashing all investigative journalism, organized dissent and independent thought. Nevertheless, the book is overexcited. The choice that Hedges presents, between submission to overwhelming power or individualist rebellion, with little chance of success, is familiar in romantic and anarchist traditions. The most interesting parts of Wages of Rebellion are those where Hedges is least coherent, least certain, and uneven.