The New Migration in Europe: Social Constructions and Social Realities
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This unique collection of original works examines the relationship between citizen and state. Nine insightful Nine insightful contributions range from a transnational analysis of the corrosive influence of wealth elites on the functioning of the state, to models of state and citizen View Product. Conditionality and the Ambitions of Governance: Social. Shelton investigates the conditionality regime directed at 'transforming societies' inside EU candidate states.
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He offers He offers a new understanding of conditionality that incorporates the social and subjective dimensions of the 'European project', locating the ambitions and limits of conditionality in the Regional cooperation has become a distinctive feature of the Balkans, an area known for its Regional cooperation has become a distinctive feature of the Balkans, an area known for its turbulent politics. Exploring the origins and dynamics of this change, this book highlights the transformative power of the EU and other international actors.
Liam Clegg provides an innovative reading of where power lies in the institutions' concessional lending Liam Clegg provides an innovative reading of where power lies in the institutions' concessional lending operations, drawing its focus on shareholders and stakeholders from staffs' own understandings of their operational environments.
Discourse Analysis as Social Critique: Discursive and. This book presents post-Marxist theoretical approaches towards social critique and offers discourse analytical tools for This book presents post-Marxist theoretical approaches towards social critique and offers discourse analytical tools for critical research. Be that as it may, immigration, culture, ethnicity, and religion have become so strongly intertwined that the question imposes itself: are we really talking about religion when we talk about Islam? Religion is usually handled within migration studies in one of three ways: as an individual characteristic that affects preferences and attitudes that may lead to discrimination; as a compound of social practices that need regulation; and as a topic of politicization.
EU migration: Which industries employ European workers?
All three may be subject to conceptual blurring. In order to demonstrate how this confusion works and how it can be avoided, let me take an example from the first category of studies, where religion is dealt with as an individual characteristic or social marker akin to gender, race or age. In one of them, the author, Christopher Cochrane, uses quantitative data from large opinion polls such as the World Value Survey in order to assess whether Muslims are more or less prone than non-Muslims to reject the liberalization of same-sex marriage.
In doing so, the author wants to test the hypothesis that Islam is incompatible with liberal values. Most studies would probably stop there. But Cochrane is attentive to the importance of category blurring, and therefore applies different models to the data in order to control for region of origin, religiosity, education, place of education, and length of stay in the host country.
This is an excellent example of how disentangling categories can contribute to increasing our knowledge about religion. Sometimes the best research about religion is the one that shows what religion is not. And yet, do we really need the n th study about Muslims in a migration journal in order to show what Muslims are not? Are the research questions we pursue really theory-driven and aimed at increasing our knowledge about the role of religion in society?
2. Defining ‘new’ immigration and migrants based on objective features
It is about time that migration scholars become more careful about the use of religiously-defined categories in their research designs as well. Otherwise, academics end up contributing to the discourse of exception surrounding Islam, a key element of the negative politicization they want to criticize. Having said that, there is also a positive side to the boom in literature on Islam within European migration scholarship.
In contrast to the early days in the sociology of religion, much of the current academic interest focuses on religion within the context of super- diverse societies. In this context, a new angle of inquiry emerges. If, for Durkheim, religion was a unifying factor for society and an expression of collective consciousness, then in recent social science works religion appears more and more as a source of societal conflicts. This in turn generates increased awareness of the ways in which religion can function as a mechanism of exclusion — even in Western, liberal, democratic societies — and of the ways in which these very same societies are still very much influenced by Christianity.
In other words, the new scholarship on religion in a migratory context pays particular attention to the relationship between religion and power, to the ways in which religion marks the contours of inequality, and to the ways in which attributions of belonging and non-belonging are still coded through religion even within post-secular societies. In the following, I will make three suggestions for how we could bring this research agenda forward. First, avoid subsuming culture, ethnicity, and migration status under religion. Enormous inequalities between men and women are clearly illustrated in common law and nationality legislation passed over the last two centuries.
For example, until recently British women outside Britain were unable to pass their citizenship on to their children; citizenship could only pass through the male. Children born abroad would only be considered British subjects if their father was a British national. Children born abroad to unmarried British women were not considered British subjects Bhabha and Shutter, Further, British women entering into a legal contract of marriage with a non-British male subject lost any rights to their British nationality; under the British Nationality Act, so did their children.
However, under the Nationality Act foreign women marrying British males automatically gained British nationality. They did not necessarly lose their own national status and could therefore have two citizenships. However, women who married non-Britsh men were forced to give up their British nationality and adopt that of their husband, provided that the spouse's country of origin allowed this.
The New Migration in Europe: Social Constructions and Social Realities
Otherwise the women became stateless. Men who married non-British female spouses, however, kept their own nationality. Thus the loss of British citizenship was not a fear for British-born men. Women who lost their British nationality on marriage were deprived of their right to vote in national elections and did not have an automatic right to live in Britain Bhabha and Shutter, Legitimacy and nationality passed through the male; women were denied equitable civil rights.
The New Migration in Europe: Contexts, Constructions and Realities | SpringerLink
Men were full citizens; women were like half citizens. It was not until that British women could transmit their nationality to their children. Thus, males were encouraged and supported in their migrations and movement through being assured of the protection of their home state no matter where they lived or who they married. Women were not similarly protected. Clearly, the very concept of citizenship has been a thoroughly gendered one Bhabha and Shutter, ; and "for black and migrant women the notion of Europe and European Citizenship is perceived as a racist and restrictive category, which practically results in reducing black and migrant women to the status of second class citizens" Hanmer et al, The historical development of the concept of citizenship has led researchers to question its modern use.
If the question is, 'Who is a European? Who is a non-European?
For example, in England the Immigration Act virtually ended all migration for settlement, restricting it to spouses and dependents of those already settled here and those who had a parent or grandparent born in the UK. This act came into force on 1 January , the day Britain finally joined the European Community. The Immigration Act removed the right of birth on British soil as the basis of citizenship and replaced it by that of descent.
Those wishing to join relatives already settled here had to prove kinship, which they have recently begun to do via a blood-based DNA test Greater Manchester Immigration Aid Unit, The Immigration Act further introduced the requirement that spouses and children wishing to reside in the U. This so-called One Year Rule has given rise to particular problems for women, which will be discussed below Southall Black Sisters, ; Spencer, As a woman I want no country.
go to site As a woman my country is the whole world.